The Pigeon Lottery
白鴿票

#Early origins

It is sometimes fancifully claimed that the name of the game is due the the method of ticket selection, in that supposedly originally white pigeons were used to choose winning tickets, but that is not possible given the way the game is played; it is not a lottery where one or more tickets are selected to be winners.

One Chinese origin story says that the name is because white pigeons were used to transmit the results from gambling houses to the bettors.^{L[p. 157]} Another dates the game to the foundation of the Han dynasty, saying that it was invented by Zhāng Liáng (張良, c. 251–189 BCE),Older sources transliterate his name as Cheung Leung. advisor to Emperor Gāozǔ, in order to raise money for the support of the army when a city was beseiged.^{L[p. 156]} While Zhāng Liáng may have really used a lottery to raise funds, it seems to be unlikely to be identical to the modern game. For one thing, the Thousand Character Classic upon which the game is based is traditionally dated to the Liang dynasty (502–557 CE).

The true origin of the game apparently lies in gambling that was carried out as part of the early-Qing “white pigeon festival” (白鴿會 Cantonese: baak⁶ gap³ wui²) which was held in Guangdong. Pigeons were raced from Qingyuan (清遠) to Foshan (佛山), and groups of pigeons were numbered using the opening characters from the Thousand Character Classic (千字文).This system of enumeration has also been used to number volumes of books and other objects, including in the instructions for assembly kit-set furniture.^{M[p. 53]} Bets were made on which group of pigeons would return intact.^{N[p. 84]} Eventually the pigeons were dropped entirely and a game was developed based on characters being drawn at random.

#Known history

According to the Draft History of Qing,^O the official Qin Ying (秦瀛, 1743–1821) banned pigeon tickets in Guangdong in the “ninth year of Jiaqing” (1804/5), so the game must have existed at this point.^D

In 1849, a traveller from Yunnan province visited Guangdong and reported that:

In the western part of the provincial capital Guangzhou, people in Henan area developed cunning ways to operate the “white pigeon” lottery. Even women and children were addicted to the game. The former governor of Guangdong considered the “white pigeon” lottery to have been going out of control so he prohibited it. When this governor got promoted and left, the trend of playing the lottery came back.^{N[p. 64]}

In the late 19th century, the game was also known as xiǎowéixìng 小闈姓 ‘small surname guessing lottery’,^{N[p. 85]} after the main wéixìng 闈姓 ‘surname guessing lottery’, which was based upon guessing the surnames of people who passed the imperial service examinations.

What is known for certain is that it was first legalized in Macau by João Maria Ferreira do Amaral (1803–1849), who authorized the game in January 1847 upon the request of local Chinese businessmen.^{P[p. 110]} Macau had been declared a free port in 1845, hoping to increase trade and business under competition from the recently-established British colony at Hong Kong (1842). Despite this, Macau was still in decline and Amaral was under pressure to raise revenue. Attempts by Amaral to introduce new taxes were unpopular and had even led to an armed revolt in October 1846. Thus, a system was devised whereby monopoly rights for important goods (including pork and beef, fish, salt, oysters and opium) were sold or auctioned off. Gambling monopolies were a logical extension of this idea.

The Macau Senate were unhappy with a number of the decisions made by the governor, and complained directly to Lisbon that, among other things,

… the Chinese were given license to operate lotteries inside the city, a thing that the same Government which allowed it had just two months before forbidden as immoral and harmful to peacefulness and public tranquility.^{P[p. 110]}

Nevertheless, the game was permitted to continue and licenses to run pacapio began to be issued on an annual basis from April 5, 1848. The game is still played today in Macau, but it is not very popular.A study in 2019 found that only 4 out of 855 gamblers (0.5%) had played the game in the last 12 months.^Q

© 2005 Brian Chow 🅭🅯

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#The Game

The primary artifact of the game is the ticket, a slip of paper upon which is printed the name of the bank (see below) and 80 unique Chinese characters. These characters are the first 80 taken from the Thousand Character Classic (千字文), and are always printed in a top-down, right-to-left order, broken into four-character blocks:

天地玄黄　宇宙洪荒
囸月盈昃　辰宿列張
寒來暑徃　秋收冬藏
閠餘成嵗　律呂調陽
雲騰致雨　露結爲霜
金生麗水　玉出崑岡
剣號巨闕　珠稱夜光
果珍李柰　菜重芥薑
海鹹河淡　鱗潛羽翔
龍師伙帝　鳥官人皇

A striking thing about this layout is just how consistent it was across all countries where the game was played. A ticket as used in Nevada was almost identical to one used in Victoria (Australia) or Otago (New Zealand). Tickets were printed locally,The National Library of New Zealand has at least 10 pakapoo printing blocks, and another photo documents the movement of a printing press that was originally used by one Joe Quinn to print pakapoo tickets in Wellington. as well as exported from China to other countries.See, for example, this ticket which is explicitly printed “Made in China”. Other tickets show evidence that the bank name was stamped onto the ticket at some stage later than the character grid was printed. Stewart Culin also describes how tickets were shipped from China in “large quantities”.^{B[p. 7]} Tickets often bore the phrase 照來原底給 “printed according to the original”, so fidelity to the ideal form of the ticket was apparently sought-after.

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The place that distributed the winnings and collected the profits was invariably referred to as the “bank”, and each bank would have its own name. In places such as California, where tongs (堂) were established, the banks would often be tied to a particular tong.^{R[p. 8]} Guidebooks such as Essentials of the Lottery (票圖撮要, 1894) were also published, which instructed prospective bank owners how to calculate payouts for various forms of tickets.

To play the game, a player would take a blank ticket, mark ten characters of their choosing, and then register their ticket with the bank. The bank would make a copy of the player’s ticket to ensure the security of the draw. Later, at a specified time, twenty numbers would be drawn, and any registered tickets with at least five matching characters be paid out at their specified rates (for which, see below).

There were different methods for selecting the winning numbers. The drawing of numbers was performed publicly to assure bettors that the game was fair. A Sydney newspaper report of a court case from 1886 gives the following method:The same method is described in Melbourne in 1876.^{S[p. 7]} 80 pieces of paper with one character each were rolled up and then mixed in a jar. From this jar, the pieces of paper were divided into four bowls, giving 20 tickets per bowl. Next, four pieces of wood engraved with a character each and then wrapped in paper (to hide the characters) were randomly placed, one in each bowl. Four pieces of paper with matching characters were rolled up and presented to an onlooker, who selected one, and then the wooden pieces were unwrapped to reveal their characters and find the matching bowl. The 20 winning numbers from this bowl were then read out.^T

The area where the tickets were to be drawn, and where the bank’s capital was kept, was usually separated from onlookers by wooden bars. European descriptions and depictions often mention or show long knives that were kept behind the bars to defend against any attempts upon the bank’s chest (see, e.g. the image on the right below).

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In some Chinese versions of the game, there were restrictions imposed upon which characters could be drawn: ten had to be chosen from each of the upper and lower halves of the tickets, the whole four characters in a particular line, or four in a block or diagonal could not be selected at once (it is not stated how these restrictions were enforced).^{N[p. 104]} These rules would allow the players to feel like they were able to have more control by making informed selections of characters.

Another feature that was sometimes used that allowed players to feel like they had some control over the game was the book called the “character container” (字容), which recorded the number of times each character had been drawn in the recent past.^{N[p. 102]} In reality, this would function similarly to a Roulette tote board which displays the most recent results, and thus play up the effect of the gambler’s fallacy on the players.

#Spread to other countries

© George Pollard 🅭🅯🄏🄎

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The game traveled everywhere that Chinese people migrated to. In particular, it seems to have been popular in places with goldfields where Chinese men came to work in the late 19th century: San Francisco in the USA, British Columbia in Canada, Victoria in Australia, and Otago in New Zealand.

Despite the existence of other very similar games in China, such as the ‘mountain lottery’ (山票 Mandarin: shān piào, Cantonese: saan¹ piu³), the pigeon lottery was the only one that was successfully popularized amongst Europeans.^{N[p. 193]} Conversely, in countries such as Malaya, where the game was legal during the Japanese occupation (1941–42), the pigeon lottery was apparently never as popular as Chee Fah or Chee Tam (games based upon selecting one out of 36 or 80 characters, respectively).^{A[p. 48]}

#In the United States

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According to ⁨Encyclopedia of Keno⁩, the game was introduced to the Western United States in the mid-19th century, and had reached the Eastern cities by 1870.

Mentions of “Chinese lotteries” begin to appear in Californian newspapers from the 1860s, and sometime around 1863 Mark Twain mentioned the game in a report for Nevada’s Territorial Enterprise, noting its popularity in that “about every third Chinaman runs a lottery”, and that “we could not see that these lotteries differed in any respect from our own… the manner of drawing is similar to ours”.^{Z[p. 396]}

The view that many Chinese immigrants were involved in lotteries was not only one coloured by European eyes; Liang Qichao (梁啟 超, 1873–1929), who visited Canada and the United States between 1899 and 1903, claimed that almost every Chinese family was involved with gambling in some way.^{N[p. 191]}

According to Stewart Culin^{B[p. 11]}, by 1886 four banks were operating in PhiladelphiaHe provides the names “Extensive Increase” (廣泰 gwong² taai³), “Heavenly Harmony” (天和 tin¹ wo⁴), “Fortunate Increase” (福泰 fuk¹ taai³), and “Encouraging Fountain” (釗泉 ciu¹ cyun⁴). and five in New York, along with others in Boston and Chicago.

There were ten Chinese lottery banks operating in San Francisco in 1890,^{AA[p. 450]} and by 1892 the same number operating in New York.^AB In 1893 a report from the San Francisco Chief of Police stated that the police had in their possession 22 tons of blank lottery tickets which had been confiscated during the previous 13 years;^{AC[p. 150]} by 1898 this had risen to 26 tons.^{AD[p. 173]}The police were occasionally (and unsuccessfully) sued for the repossession of these tickets.

By the time Liang Qichao visited the United States in 1903, he estimated that one in ten of the Chinese immigrants in the large cities worked in gambling houses.^{N[p. 191]}

© UCLA 🅭🅯: uclamss_1387_b12_18958-2

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In Seattle, some known banks known in the 20th century were named: Union, N.P., Shanghai, New American, and Wing Tien.^AE During World War II, the army forced the closure of many lotteries to stop servicemen stationed on the West Coast from spending their money on gambling; most did not re-open after the war.^AE

Other banks (often termed “companies” on 20th-century tickets) I have seen include:The suffix of the ticket title in Chinese here indicates whether the ticket was for a day (日) or night (夜) draw. American Co. (Chinese title 花旗夜廠), Liberty Co. (自由日廠), Sun Set Co. (順式日廠), Cleveland Co. (企李倫夜廠), New World Co. (新世界夜廠), and Oregon Co. (柯利近日廠). In the Penn Museum are bundles of 19th-century tickets from Lee Kee Co. (利記廠) and Tai Kee Co. (泰記厰). Californian companies included Fook Tai (泰福夜厰), The Sun (?), Lee Tai (利泰日厰), Boston (保市頓), and American Co. (花旗).

#In New Zealand

As in Australia, racist depictions of Chinese gambling were common. And yet, while newspaper reports often decried gambling and gamblers, others came to the defence of the game. Here I focus more heavily on the counter-current, as it is all too easy to find examples of the former.

#Legality and Hypocrisy

© Alexander Turnbull Library, used with permission: Eph-A-LOTTERY-1920s-01

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Pakapoo was illegal from 1862 in Otago,^{W[p. 93]} and would be made illegal nationwide with the passage of the Gaming and Lotteries Act of 1881, where it was listed alongside Fan-Tan. The addition of the games was made despite the lawmakers’ lack of knowledge about what the games actually were:

Our representatives in Parliament seem to have had a good deal of fun over the Gaming and Lotteries Bill on Friday night. […] considerable amusement was caused by the numerous enquiries of Colonial Secretary Dick as to the meaning of the Chinese game of ‘fan-tan’. One after another of the members impressed upon him the necessity of giving full explanations, as no doubt he knew all about it, and badgered him on all sides. Amidst considerable cheering he shortly rose, and with signs of conscious ignorance, yet inward satisfaction, protested that he really did not know anything about it. Then numerous questions were asked as to who did know, and other members rose, and each gave delightfully varied descriptions, each member beseeching the Committee not to let words pass of which they did not know the meaning, as they might play ‘fan-tan’ without knowing it, which, in the light of subsequent and apparently authoritative explanation, seemed quite possible, seeing that it is simply termed ‘odd or even.’ Mr Barron increased the dilemma by moving that ‘pakapoo’ be inserted after ‘fan-tan’. The Colonial Secretary intimated that he did not know its meaning, but thought it a good word, and after the mover had satisfactorily explained that his knowledge was as exhaustive of ‘pakapoo’ as that of the Colonial Secretary of fan-tan, the words were added.^AO

By 1902 and 1903 there was some legal tussle over the status of the game due to unclear definitions in the Act.

Firstly, a case in 1902 concerning one “Joe Quick” (who had been fined several times for the game previously) reached the Supreme Court, and had its conviction quashed upon insufficient evidence.^APAQ

At the time, Wellington’s Evening Post opined that:

… it seems the essence of petty spite to start a crusade against the cottager’s Christmas goose or the Chinaman’s pakapoo.^AR

John Liddell Kelly’s bitingly sarcastic poem “In China” (1901) contains the following verse upon the topic:^{AS[p. 56]}

The practice of gambling’s a terrible vice
  ’Mong the sin-sodden people of China!
Fan-tan, pak-a-pu, and a species of dice
  Are all known to the gamblers of China.
True, we bet in our streets, and play cards in our pubs;
We have poker and nap in our big, toney clubs;
But we cannot attend to our own dirty dubs
  While we’re preaching reform—out in China.

The decision of this case, wherein the Chief Justice mentioned — obiter dictum — that pakapoo was defined by the Act as a “game of chance” and not a lottery,^AT was to have a lasting effect on other cases. In 1903 a case in the Magistrate’s Court was dismissed on the basis that pakapoo was a game of chance, and not a lottery;^AU taken at face value, the Act stated that games of chance were only illegal if played in public places.

© Alexander Turnbull Library, used with permission: PUBL-0090-001

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With the game seeming to be on the verge of becoming legal, in 1904, the “Gaming and Lotteries Act Amendment Bill” was introduced to parliament by James McGowan. The bill sought — among other things — to declare pakapoo a lottery, and thus ban it outright. By the reception of this bill in the newspapers, it is clear that this was felt to be inconsistent with laws governing games played by Europeans:

For a country which not only countenances the totalisator, but also derives revenue from it, it is the height of inconsistency to discriminate between different forms of gambling. Why should fan-tan be more wicked than bridge, or pakapoo than poker, and why should not both be legalised if it is legal to gamble by means of the totalisator?^AV

During parliamentary debate on the proposed bill,

Mr Hone Hekei.e. Hōne Heke Ngāpua, great-nephew of the more famous Hōne Heke Pōkai. wanted to know why the Chinese were to be limited in their games and recreations, when lotteries at church bazaars were allowed to proceed without interference.

Mr W. Fraser thought it was right to punish Europeans found in a Chinese gambling house, but seeing that Europeans were allowed to participate in various games of chance, he objected to punishing Chinese for doing the same thing.^AW

As noted in that last paragraph, it was often considered that the game was suitable for Chinese people but not Europeans. Robin Hyde, writing later in 1934, noted:

… the Chinese quarter in most cities suffers from its hangers-on. Auckland’s pakapoo dens receive such loving care from the police for much the same reason. No harm in a friendly all-Chinese game of fantan and pakapoo — and ninety-nine games out of a hundred are ‘on the level’ — but the drawing of the tickets induces whites of the very worst class to make the site thereof their little home away from home.^{X[p. 235]}

At one point it was even suggested by a police inspector that only Europeans should be fined for playing pakapoo, and that “it would be as hard to stop such recreation amongst the Chinese as to stop whist and other games amongst Europeans.”^AX

In any case, McGowan’s 1904 bill was subsequently withdrawn and this version of the amendment was never passed.

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Only a year later, in 1905, the Supreme Court again heard a case regarding Pak-A-Poo (Lee Sun v. Daniel Conolly),^AY and this time Justice Williams determined that not only was Pak-A-Poo a game of chance, but it was also a lottery, and therefore illegal.Apparently Williams and Stout were pro­fes­sion­al rivals — Williams had been passed over when Stout was selected as Chief Justice — and I am tempted to wonder if this had some part to play in the overruling of the earlier obiter dictum.

Finally, in 1907, the Gaming and Lotteries Act Amendment Act was passed, which declared all games of chance to be explicitly unlawful. The game was to remain illegal until the passage of a new Gaming and Lotteries Act in 1977.

Even after all gambling was made illegal, protests were made about the inequal application of the law, and these would continue throughout the twentieth century; in 1933, one businessman complained about the effect the ban could have upon trade with China:

“It is well known,” [Mr. John MacGibbon] said, “that in most homes in New Zealand the gambling laws are broken with impunity. This harrying of Chinese who play pakapoo and fan tan has an effect on Chinese who are likely to buy our products. It is well known that the Chinese are among the most law-abiding people in the world, and it should be remembered that we forced opium on them because of the profit in it. It is utter hypocrisy.” ^AZ

© Alexander Turnbull Library, used with permission: PAColl-7796-35

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Now that we are able to look back with the benefit of time and more sources, it is clear that, despite lurid newspaper and magazine reports of pakapoo dens and the supposed conditions thereof, the pakapoo shops functioned not only as a gambling house but as a meeting-place with a convivial atmosphere, providing a safe ‘third place’ for Chinese (men, at least) to gather, catch up on news from home, drink tea, and eat.^{M[p. 52, 62]} Interviews with ex-police officers indicate that they thought it a “clean and well-run game”, and only raided the game when specific complaints had been made.^{M[p. 59]}

During the remainder of the 20th century, pakapoo slowly dropped out of the public eye. I am not aware of any current use of the game — although it is now legal. Despite this disappearance, it was to have ongoing influence upon New Zealand: Allan Highet, who was responsible for early attempts to introduce Lotto as a government minister, had gained his appetite for gambling by purchasing pakapoo tickets in Haining Street during the 1930s.^{BB[p. 247]}

#Globalization, or Kenoization

The “Chinese lottery” was to become Europeanized — and therefore, acceptable — through its adoption and development by American casino operators in the early 20th century. It is probable that there were many such attempts to adapt the game by both Chinese and Americans looking to popularize it,For example, Eugene Diullo, Harrah’s first keno manager, learned the game growing up in the mining town of Ely,^{BF[p. 125]} but this was still at the time the Chinese game. but here I recount what appears to be the main thread of popularization which led to widespread commercial implementation of Keno.

UC Berkeley, Ethnic Studies Library 🅮: AAS ARC 2000/13: box: fol. 4

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In the early 20th century, versions of the “Chinese lottery” were being played in Butte, Montana. Just like the examples above of other locations the game had spread to, Butte was a mining town with a significant migrant Chinese population. The game was played illegally in the backrooms of “cigar stores”, which also operated as speakeasies. One in particular, the Crown Cigar Store, was operating the Chinese game in 1927.^{BG[p. 50]} A court case from 1948 shows that at the Crown the adapted game, using numbers, was at that time known as “the Crown Game” or the “Crown punchboard game”,^Y but it was clearly derived from the “Chinese lottery”. The gambling operation was managed by two brothers named Joe and Francis Lyden.Some sources give the name as “Frances”. The Lyden brothers — Joseph Michael (1899–1982)^BH and Francis — were Irish immigrants who had inherited the store from their step-father.^BI

These Butte games were routinely shut down by the police, but in 1931 Nevada legalized gambling by passing Assembly Bill No. 98 (popularly known as the “Wide Open Gambling Bill”). The bill explicitly legalized “keno”, as long as the person running the game had procured a license to do so. It is worth noting, given the ongoing theme of anti-Chinese discrimination here, that these licenses were only available to US citizens, and ‘aliens’ were not allowed to even operate a licensed game.This seems particularly egregious given that the distinctly Chinese game of Fan-Tan was also explicitly legalized by the bill… but only for US citizens!

At this time, the name “keno” (or “quino”) referred to a Bingo-like game from the 19th century (see the Keno (Bingo) article for more).Interestingly, one of the few books to get the distinction between ‘old’ and ‘new’ Keno straight is ⁨Playboy’s Illustrated Treasury of Gambling⁩ (p. 215). This game used pre-printed sheets and randomly-drawn numbers, and is not directly related to the Chinese-derived modern game of Keno, where sheets are marked by the players.

However, it seems that the Lyden brothers seized upon this opportunity to rebrand their game under the “keno” name. In 1935 Francis moved to Reno, where he began to work for John Petricciani, owner of the newly-opened Palace Club.^BK Joe Lyden doesn’t feature any further in this story, but he would also later (after 1938?) move to Las Vegas and start the first Keno game there, at the Fremont.

#Racehorse Keno

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As a game of chance and not a lottery, the “new” game was legal under Nevada laws.^{CC[p. 26]} Warren describes in his own words how the game was lifted from the Chinese:^{CD[p. 30]}

Keno, which was originally a Chinese game, was well known throughout the West. Everywhere you’d go, Chinese could be found running illegal keno games. Some of them had tried to start games in Butte, but their competition, white professional gamblers, would get their games closed up. Then a fellow went in partners with a Chinaman, and when he learned everything he could from him, he kicked him out. The Chinese were looked down upon so much that you could do anything to them and no one would say a word.

Despite divorcing the game from its Chinese origins, the keno “writers” who marked the tickets still used hair brushes imported from China,^{BF[p. 129]} and the ink was purchased from Chinese suppliers.^{CD[p. 50]}

© University of Nevada Oral History Program 🅭🅯🄏⊜

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In this “racehorse” version of the game, each number had a horse’s name assigned to it, and the names were announced in a similar way to the way that “bingo calls” are now performed. Warren gives an example of the patter (or “ballyhoo”) that was used to announce the game, mimicking the style of a horse racing commentator:^{CD[p. 158]}

All right, they’re off and running!
Jockey number 1 on Nanny Dee.
Jockey 16 on Mainstreet,
Right down the main drag.
You’ve got a hell of a race,
And a hell of a bunch of horses!
Jockey number 69 on Kay Dugan,
That old Irish girl again.

Other examples of horse names include:

• 2: Sunk^{BF[p. 128]}
• 3: Amos^{K[p. 179]}
• 10: Malachai^{K[p. 179]}
• 22: Fussbudget^CE
• 51: Tut-Tut^{BF[p. 128]}
• 52: Casey^{BF[p. 128]}
• 54: Minty^{BF[p. 128]}
• 70: Black Tom^{BF[p. 128]}
• 80: Bright Lady^{BF[p. 128]}

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The Bank Club (the next-door rival of the Palace Club) and Harolds Club were soon to follow by installing Keno games of their own.^{CD[p. 53]} In 1938 Warren opened the game at the Nevada Club in Lake Tahoe.^{CF[p. 10]}

The racehorse version of the game died out some time in the mid 1950s.^{BF[p. 128]} However, keno games are still referred to as races.^{CG[p. 23]}

#Keno

Modern Keno is much the same game as the Chinese lottery: the players select their numbers, the numbers are drawn and displayed — nowadays on an electronic ‘flashboard’ — and any winning bets are paid out.

#Outside the casino: “Lottery” Keno

© George Pollard 🅭🅯🄏🄎

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Keno is also run as a large-scale operation by lotteries operators. In this form of the game, only ‘straight’ tickets may be played — due to the number of different ways a ticket may be marked, the job of the ticket writers is highly skilled and not easily constrained to a computerizable form.

#References

1. ⁨Dobree⁩, ⁨C. T.⁩ (1955). ⁨Gambling Games of Malaya⁩. ⁨The Caxton Press⁩: Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

2. ⁨Culin⁩, ⁨Stewart⁩ (1891). ⁨The Gambling Games of the Chinese in America⁩. ⁨University of Pennsylvania⁩: Philadelphia, PA, USA.

3. ⁨Hughes⁩, ⁨Joan⁩ (editor) (1989). ⁨Australian Words and Their Origins⁩. ⁨Oxford University Press⁩: Melbourne, Victoria, Australia. ISBN: 0-19-553087-X.

4. ⁨譚⁩, ⁨世寶⁩ [⁨Tán Shìbǎo⁩] (2014). ‘⁨“麻雀牌”與“白鴿票”之原詞形音義探討⁩’. ⁨Revista de Cultura⁩ vol. 93: pages 26–37.

5. ⁨Phillips⁩, ⁨Ray E.⁩ (1977, originally published 1938). ⁨The Bantu In The City⁩. ⁨Lovedale Press⁩: Lovedale, South Africa.

6. Anonymous (1886). ‘⁨“Pak-A-Peu” at Lawrence⁩’. ⁨The Evening Star⁩ (6,899), Tuesday, 11th May 1886: page 3. Dunedin, New Zealand.

7. ⁨Amor⁩, ⁨M. Antunes⁩ (1923). ‘⁨Macau: A Cidade Mais Pitoresca Do Nosso Dominio Ultramarino⁩’. ⁨Ilustração Portuguesa⁩ (896), Saturday, 21st April 1923: pages 495–497.

8. Anonymous (1887). ‘⁨Chinese Games of Chance⁩’. ⁨The New York Times⁩ vol. 37 (11,360), Thursday, 27th January 1887: page 3.

9. ⁨Foo⁩, ⁨Wong Chin⁩ (1883). ‘⁨What the Heathen Plays: The Inner-Life of a Chinese Gambling Den⁩’. ⁨Lowell Daily Courier⁩, Thursday, 8th November 1883: page 2. Lowell, Mass., USA.

10. Anonymous (1886). ‘⁨Police Court⁩’. ⁨The Honoulu Advertiser⁩, Thursday, 2nd December 1886: page 2. Honolulu, Hawaiʻi.

11. ⁨Kling⁩, ⁨Dwayne⁩ and ⁨Robert Thomas King⁩ (2003). ⁨A Family Affair: Harolds Club and the Smiths Remembered⁩. ⁨University of Nevada Oral History Program⁩: Reno, Nevada, USA. ISBN: 1-56475-388-3.

12. ⁨Lobscheid⁩, ⁨William⁩ (1864). ⁨Grammar of the Chinese Language⁩ volume 2. Hong Kong.

13. ⁨Shum⁩, ⁨Lynette⁩ (2007). ⁨Representing Haining Street: Wellington’s Chinatown 1920–1960⁩ volume 1. Master’s thesis, ⁨Victoria University of Wellington⁩: Wellington, New Zealand.

14. ⁨Li⁩, ⁨En⁩ (2015). ⁨Betting on Empire: A Socio-Cultural History of Gambling in Late-Qing China⁩. PhD thesis, ⁨Washington University⁩: St. Louis, MO, USA.

15. ⁨趙⁩, ⁨爾巽⁩ [⁨Zhào Ěrxùn⁩] (1928). ‘⁨列傳一百四十一⁩’. In ⁨清史稿⁩.

16. ⁨Godinho⁩, ⁨Jorge⁩ (2013). ‘⁨A History of Games of Chance in Macau: Part 2 — The Foundation of the Macau Gaming Industry⁩’. ⁨Gaming Law Review and Economics⁩ vol. 17 (2): pages 107–117.

17. ⁨Nong⁩, ⁨Sunny Zhenzhen⁩, ⁨Lawrence Hoc Nang Fong⁩, ⁨Davis Ka Chio Fong⁩, and ⁨Desmond Lam⁩ (2020). ‘⁨Segmenting Chinese Gamblers Based on Gambling Forms: A Latent Class Analysis⁩’. ⁨Journal of Gambling Studies⁩ vol. 36: pages 141–159.

18. ⁨Mechigian⁩, ⁨John⁩ (1972). ⁨Encyclopedia of Keno⁩. ⁨Funtime Enterprises⁩: Fresno, California.

19. Anonymous (1876). ‘⁨In A Chinese Lottery Shop⁩’. ⁨Australasian Sketcher⁩ vol. 4 (40), Saturday, 15th April 1876: page 6. Adelaide, South Australia, Australia.

20. Anonymous (1886). ‘⁨Chinese Gambling in Sydney⁩’. ⁨The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser⁩ vol. 43 (5,913), Tuesday, 23rd March 1886: page 7. New South Wales, Australia.

21. ⁨Calvert⁩, ⁨Samuel⁩ (1873). ‘⁨Chinese Lotteries—Drawing the Numbers for the Bank Ticket⁩’ [archived]. ⁨State Library Victoria⁩.

22. Anonymous (1885). ‘⁨Sydney Fan-Taneries and Lottery Cribs⁩’. ⁨The Bulletin⁩ vol. 3 (134), Saturday, 5th December 1885: page 22.

23. ⁨Shum⁩, ⁨Lynette⁩ (2003). ‘⁨Remembering Chinatown: Haining Street of Wellington⁩’. Pages 73–93 in ⁨Unfolding History, Evolving Identity: The Chinese in New Zealand⁩, edited by ⁨Manying Ip⁩. ⁨Auckland University Press⁩: Auckland, New Zealand. ISBN: 1-86940-289-8.

24. ⁨Boddy⁩, ⁨Gillian⁩ and ⁨Jacqueline Matthews⁩ (editors) (1991). ⁨Disputed Ground: Robin Hyde, Journalist⁩. ⁨Victoria University Press⁩: Wellington, New Zealand. ISBN: 0-86473-204-X.

25. ⁨Supreme Court of Montana⁩ (publisher) (1950). ‘⁨State v. Crown Cigar Store⁩’. ⁨Supreme Court of Montana⁩.

26. ⁨Twain⁩, ⁨Mark⁩ (1872). ⁨Roughing It⁩. ⁨American Publishing Company⁩: Hartford, Connecticut.

27. ⁨Quinn⁩, ⁨John Philip⁩ (1890). ⁨Fools of Fortune, or, Gambling and Gamblers⁩. ⁨G. L. Howe & Co.⁩: Chicago, IL, USA.

28. Anonymous (1892). ‘⁨Fan-Tan Games to Reopen⁩’. ⁨The New York Times⁩, Wednesday, 24th February 1892: page 9. New York, NY, USA.

29. ⁨San Francisco Board of Supervisors⁩ (publisher) (1893). ⁨San Francisco Municipal Reports for the Fiscal Year 1892–93, Ending June 30, 1893⁩ volume 1. ⁨San Francisco Board of Supervisors⁩: San Francisco.

30. ⁨San Francisco Board of Supervisors⁩ (publisher) (1898). ⁨San Francisco Municipal Reports for the Fiscal Year 1897–98, Ending June 30, 1898⁩ volume 1. ⁨San Francisco Board of Supervisors⁩: San Francisco.

31. ⁨Chin⁩, ⁨Donnie⁩ (1983). ‘⁨When Chinatown had its own lotteries⁩’. ⁨International Examiner⁩ vol. 10 (1), Wednesday, 5th January 1983: page 5. Seattle, WA, USA.

32. Anonymous (1863). ‘⁨The Chinese Lottery⁩’. ⁨Mount Alexander Mail⁩ (1,390), Wednesday, 26th August 1863: page 3. Castlemaine, Victoria, Australia.

33. Anonymous (1864). ‘⁨Saturday, May 28, 1864⁩’. ⁨The Argus⁩ (5,608), Saturday, 28th May 1864: page 5. Melbourne, Victoria, Australia.

34. Anonymous (1864). ‘⁨Police Courts: City Court: A Chinese Lottery⁩’. ⁨The Herald⁩ vol. 75 (5,841), Thursday, 8th September 1864: page 3. Melbourne, Victoria, Australia.

35. Anonymous (1873). ‘⁨The Chinese Gambling Houses⁩’. ⁨The Age⁩ (5,665), Thursday, 23rd January 1873: page 3. Melbourne, Victoria, Australia.

36. Anonymous (1874). ‘⁨The Chinese Lottery Cases⁩’. ⁨The Age⁩ (6,092), Friday, 14th August 1874: page 4. Melbourne, Victoria, Australia.

37. Anonymous (1874). ‘⁨Melbourne⁩’. ⁨Geelong Advertiser⁩ (8,398), Monday, 27th April 1874: page 3. Geelong, Victoria, Australia.

38. Anonymous (1877). ‘⁨Editorial⁩’. ⁨The Gippsland Times⁩ (1,976), Monday, 19th November 1877: page 2. Gippsland, Victoria, Australia.

39. Anonymous (1886). ‘⁨The Chinese in Australia: Their Vices and Their Victims⁩’. ⁨The Bulletin⁩ vol. 4 (171), Saturday, 21st August 1886: page 11. ⚠ This is a very racist article accompanied by very racist images in a very racist magazine.

40. Anonymous (1986). ‘⁨Racism rife aboard the Shanghai Trader⁩’. ⁨The Canberra Times⁩ vol. 60 (18,592), Wednesday, 27th August 1986: page 17. Canberra, ACT, Australia.

41. Anonymous (1881). ‘⁨Political⁩’. ⁨Clutha Leader⁩ vol. 8 (408), Friday, 5th August 1881: page 3. Balcutha, Otago, New Zealand.

42. Anonymous (1902). ‘⁨Chinese Gaming Cases: Appeal to the Supreme Court — When Does A Man Play Pak-A-Pu?⁩’. ⁨New Zealand Times⁩ vol. 72 (4,632), Thursday, 10th April 1902: page 7.

43. Anonymous (1902). ‘⁨Supreme Court: Sitting in Banco — Important Judgement⁩’. ⁨New Zealand Times⁩ vol. 72 (4,634), Saturday, 12th April 1902: page 2.

44. Anonymous (1902). ‘⁨The Policeman and the Geese⁩’. ⁨Evening Post⁩ vol. 63 (11), Tuesday, 14th January 1902: page 4.

45. ⁨Kelly⁩, ⁨John Liddell⁩ (1902). ⁨Heather and Fern: songs of Scotland and Maoriland⁩. ⁨New Zealand Times Company⁩: Wellington, New Zealand.

46. ⁨Stout⁩, ⁨C. J.⁩ (1905). ‘⁨Joe Quick (and others) v. Cox⁩’. ⁨New Zealand Gazette Law Reports⁩ vol. 7: pages 492–494.

47. Anonymous (1903). ‘⁨Pak-A-Poo Is Not A Lottery: The Chief Justice’s Recent Dictum — Followed By The Magistrate⁩’. ⁨Evening Star⁩ (11,946), Thursday, 23rd July 1903: page 4.

48. Anonymous (1904). ‘⁨Daily Notes: Inconsistent Legislation⁩’. ⁨Star⁩ (8,072), Tuesday, 26th July 1904: page 2.

49. Anonymous (1904). ‘⁨Parliamentary: House of Representatives⁩’. ⁨Oamaru Mail⁩ vol. 29 (8,568), Wednesday, 24th August 1904: page 4.

50. Anonymous (1904). ‘⁨Political Gossip: Gambling Among Chinese⁩’. ⁨The Evening Star⁩ (12,279), Saturday, 20th August 1904: page 7.

51. ⁨Williams⁩, ⁨J.⁩ (1905). ‘⁨Lee Sun v. Daniel Conolly⁩’. ⁨New Zealand Gazette Law Reports⁩ vol. 7: pages 494–497.

52. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Harrying of Chinese⁩’. ⁨Evening Post⁩ vol. 116 (60), Friday, 8th September 1933: page 9.

53. ⁨Shum⁩, ⁨Lynette⁩ (2007). ⁨Representing Haining Street: Wellington’s Chinatown 1920–1960⁩ volume 2. Master’s thesis, ⁨Victoria University of Wellington⁩: Wellington, New Zealand.

54. ⁨Grant⁩, ⁨David⁩ (1994). ⁨On A Roll: A History of Gambling & Lotteries in New Zealand⁩. ⁨Victoria University Press⁩: Wellington, New Zealand. ISBN: 0-86473-266-X.

55. ⁨Dearling⁩, ⁨Robert⁩, ⁨Celia Dearling⁩, and ⁨Brian Rust⁩ (1976). ⁨The Guinness Book of Music Facts and Feats⁩. ⁨Guinness Superlatives⁩: Middlesex, England, UK.

56. Anonymous (1924). ‘⁨New Gambling Game⁩’. ⁨Derby Daily Telegraph⁩ vol. 74 (13,756), Tuesday, 1st January 1924: page 3. Derby, England, UK.

57. ⁨Burke⁩, ⁨Thomas⁩ (1917). ⁨Limehouse Nights⁩. ⁨Robert M. McBride & Company⁩: New York, NY, USA.

58. ⁨Kling⁩, ⁨Dwayne⁩ (1999). ⁨Every Light Was On: Bill Harrah and His Clubs Remembered⁩, edited by ⁨Robert Thomas King⁩. ⁨University of Nevada Oral History Program⁩: Reno, Nevada, USA.

59. ⁨Gibson⁩, ⁨Richard I.⁩ (2012). ⁨Lost Butte, Montana⁩. ⁨The History Press⁩: Charleston, SC, USA. ISBN: 978-1-61423-819-5.

60. ⁨Associated Press⁩ (1982). ‘⁨Joseph Michael Lyden⁩’. ⁨The New York Times⁩, Tuesday, 19th October 1982: pages 6 (Section B). New York, NY, USA.

61. Anonymous (1938). ‘⁨Peter Naughton Passes on Coast⁩’. ⁨Montana Standard: Butte⁩ vol. 75 (178), Monday, 4th April 1938: page 2. Butte, Montana, USA.

62. ⁨Carroll⁩, ⁨David⁩ (1977). ⁨Playboy’s Illustrated Treasury of Gambling⁩. ⁨Crown Publishers⁩: New York. ISBN: 0-517-53050-3.

63. Anonymous (1936). ‘⁨Reno After Dark⁩’. ⁨Nevada State Journal⁩ vol. 65 (205), Saturday, 30th May 1936: page 9. Reno, Nevada, USA.

64. Anonymous (1899). ‘⁨Chinese Gamblers Raided By Police⁩’. ⁨Washington Times⁩ (1,871), Monday, 5th June 1899: page 8. Washington, District of Columbia, USA.

65. Anonymous (1932). ‘⁨Lottery And Keno Contrasted At Trial Of Chinese⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (234), Thursday, 29th September 1932: page 10. Reno, Nevada, USA.

66. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Crane Is Issued Keno License By Council⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (123), Wednesday, 24th May 1933: page 16. Reno, Nevada, USA.

67. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Chinese Lottery Ordered Closed By Official Of City⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (136), Thursday, 8th June 1933: page 12. Reno, Nevada, USA.

68. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Chinese “Keno” Games To Operate⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (140), Tuesday, 13th June 1933: page 2. Reno, Nevada, USA.

69. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Mayor Decides Who’s Who⁩’. ⁨Nevada State Journal⁩ vol. 62 (322), Friday, 16th June 1933: page 1. Reno, Nevada, USA.

70. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Council Revokes Crane’s Game Permits⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (143), Friday, 16th June 1933: page 2. Reno, Nevada, USA.

71. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Chinese Dispute Settlement Is Tried But Fails⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (206), Tuesday, 29th August 1933: page 12. Reno, Nevada, USA.

72. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Chinese Gambler Is Wounded By Gunman At His Home⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (172), Thursday, 20th July 1933: page 12. Reno, Nevada, USA.

73. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Council Adjourns And Crane Fails In License Plea⁩’. ⁨Nevada State Journal⁩ vol. 62 (282), Tuesday, 15th August 1933: page 2. Reno, Nevada, USA.

74. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨Washoe Co. Grand Jury Will Make Its Report Today⁩’. ⁨Nevada State Journal⁩ vol. 62 (312), Thursday, 14th September 1933: page 2. Reno, Nevada, USA.

75. Anonymous (1933). ‘⁨‘We Are Recessed,’ Says Mayor: And Recess Was Taken as His Honor Marched Out — Council Holds Hectic Session⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (194), Sunday, 15th October 1933: page 12. Reno, Nevada, USA.

76. Anonymous (1932). ‘⁨You Can’t Miss⁩’. ⁨Nevada State Journal⁩ vol. 57 (257), Sunday, 17th January 1932: page 8. Reno, Nevada, USA.

77. Anonymous (1931). ‘⁨Open Today: The Reno Club (Advertisement)⁩’. ⁨Nevada State Journal⁩ vol. 57 (60), Saturday, 4th July 1931: page 8. Reno, Nevada, USA.

78. Anonymous (1934). ‘⁨Chinese Granted Keno Licenses By Council⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (164), Tuesday, 10th July 1934: page 2. Reno, Nevada, USA.

79. Anonymous (1934). ‘⁨Keno Discussion Again Heard By Council⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (176), Tuesday, 24th July 1934: page 2. Reno, Nevada, USA.

80. Anonymous (1935). ‘⁨Chinese Lotteries Ordered Closed by District Attorney⁩’. ⁨Reno Evening Gazette⁩ (117), Thursday, 16th May 1935: page 14. Reno, Nevada, USA.

81. ⁨Totton⁩, ⁨Kathryn M.⁩ (1982). ⁨Silvio E. Petricciani: The Evolution of Gaming in Nevada: The Twenties to the Eighties⁩. ⁨University of Nevada Oral History Program⁩: Reno, Nevada, USA.

82. ⁨Adams⁩, ⁨Ken⁩, ⁨Robert Thomas King⁩, and ⁨Gail K. Nelson⁩ (1994). ⁨Always Bet on the Butcher: Warren Nelson and Casino Gaming, 1930s–1980s⁩. ⁨University of Nevada Oral History Program⁩: Reno, Nevada, USA.

83. ⁨Langford⁩, ⁨Johnny⁩ (1938). ‘⁨Center Street Gossip⁩’. ⁨Nevada State Journal⁩ vol. 67 (102), Saturday, 19th February 1938: page 5. Reno, Nevada, USA.

84. ⁨Becker⁩, ⁨Keith⁩ (1978). ⁨Warren Nelson: Gaming From the Old Days to Computers⁩. ⁨University of Nevada Oral History Program⁩: Reno, Nevada, USA.

85. ⁨Cowles⁩, ⁨David W.⁩ (1996). ⁨Complete Guide to Winning Keno⁩. ⁨Cardoza Publishing⁩: New York. ISBN: 0-940685-62-0.